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The
Rape of Data/Bush v. Science
with Nicolás Pinel, Tarek
Maassarani, Bonnie Chang and Beth! Orcutt
In Flagpole Magazine[March 2004]; Georgetown University
Law Magazine, [DATE]; and Ruckus [Vol. 8, Iss. 5, March
2005]
The following article,
co-authored by a group of concerned graduate students from the University
of Washington and other schools and first published by Flagpole
Magazine in Athens, GA, and the Georgetown University Law Magazine,
has been adapted for Ruckus. The full paper, with references, is
available at www.ruckuscollective.org.
Science, like any field of endeavor,
relies on freedom of inquiry, and one of the hallmarks of that freedom
is objectivity. Now more than ever, on issues ranging from climate
change to AIDS research to genetic engineering to food additives,
government relies on the impartial perspectives of science for guidance.President
George H.W. Bush, April 23, 1990
As acknowledged by the former President Bush,
the role of science in public government, and the importance of
objectivity in scientific inquiry, can scarcely be overstated. While
democratic governments are responsible for engaging the economic
and social value systems that reflect the will of the electorate,
it is the acquisition and analysis of scientific data that ultimately
gives meaning to this complex activity by grounding value-laden
decision-making in concrete reality. Furthermore, when it comes
to issues directly affecting national and global welfaresuch
as climate, health care, and the environmentscientists are
especially obligated to provide the public and the government with
authoritative judgment and information of the highest quality and
credibility. In turn, the executive and legislative branches bear
a responsibility to act in a manner respecting scientific
recommendations.
The stated goal of science is to lift the
shroud of subjectivity that cloaks the world around us. Scientific
truth comes into existence by minimizing and ideally eliminating
the role of the very agent uncovering it. Science strives
to be a truly universal language that is infinitely transferable
across boundaries of culture, language, personality and partisanship,
a construct that aims to avoid, by its very definition, room for
reinterpretation political or otherwise. Nowhere is the sacrosanctity
of science more relevant than in the fields of health and ecology,
two spheres of concern that often stand in the way of free
market policies and their aggressive proponents.
Unfortunately, these imperatives are not
being respected by the present American government. In this article
we set out to show, through examples drawn from recent policy proposals
and implementations, that the current U.S. administration is actively
and effectively reducing solid science into a political tool through
a series of determined maneuvers that undermine the vital relationship
between science and public policy.
The authors, all graduate students intimately
involved with scientific research and/or legal studies, feel compelled
to speak out against what we perceive as growing trends of misconduct
at the national executive level. Below, we summarize crucial sections
from findings in reports published in February 2004 by the National
Research Council and the Union of Concerned Scientists, the latter
a group of more than 100,000 concerned citizens and sixty imminent
scientistsincluding Nobel laureates, medical experts, former
federal agency directors, and university chairs and presidentswho
have voiced concern about the misuse of science by the current Bush
administration.
Climate change: Controversializing the uncontroversial
The Bush administration has consistently
dismissed years of accumulated evidence that clearly show the nefarious
effects of industrial activities on the ecosphere. In the first
year of the Bush administration, the National Academy of Sciences
(NAS) was called on to review the available data regarding climate
change and the contribution of humankind to global warming. The
resultant report expressed strong agreement with the views of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), a group of more
than two thousand international climate researchers established
in 1988 under the auspices of the United Nations Environment Program.
Both the NAS report and the IPCC acknowledge a trend towards warmer
average global temperatures in the last few decades, and point the
finger of blame largely at fossil fuel combustion. However, simply
because the vast majority of scientists agree does not mean that
consensus has been reachedor so goes the logic of the current
White House denizens.
In September 2002, the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA) was asked by the White House to remove an entire section
on climate change from their annual air pollution report. White
House officials, with no scientific training whatsoever, attempted
to edit the 2003 EPA Report on the Environment by introducing qualifiers
that added fabricated uncertainty to well-established facts. It
was this attempt by the Bush administration at manipulating the
scientific process within a federal agency that lead to the resignation
of EPA Director Christine Todd Whitman in June 2003.
Support from special interest groups has
created a false impression of uncertainty. Far from acknowledging
the conclusions reached by the majority of experts, the Bush administration
has proclaimed that uncertainty about the relevance of human activities
in climate change remains impossibly large, and that consequently
any policy regulating greenhouse gas emissions lacks justification.
The perceived uncertainty stems from a single published review of
cherry-picked data and unsupported extrapolations. The review, underwritten
by the American Petroleum Institute, and authored by individuals
with well-established connections to the oil industry, is frequently
cited by opponents of greenhouse emission control and by supporters
of White House policies, despite having been contested and criticized
repeatedly by the scientific community. By overlooking results derived
from decades of research and focusing only on those that support
its political agendaor those of the oil industrythe
Bush administration has blatantly manipulated the process of scientific
debate to justify policies benefiting industry groups at the expense
of the common public interest.
With this background of manufactured uncertainty
on global warming, it has become easier to relax emissions control
rules governing coal-fueled power plants, and to promote low efficiency,
high emission standards for automobiles. Strategies for control
of air pollution by the Bush administration have consisted mainly
of voluntary reduction by polluters.
Regulations on greenhouse gas emissions are
being eased for oil operations in Alaska, where the release of nitrogen
oxide from oil fields now exceeds that of the Washington D.C. metropolitan
area. Downplaying the imminence of human-caused climate change limits
the motivation for development of cleaner energy sources,
thereby perpetuating US dependence on fossil fuels. The consequences
of this are, of course, all too evident today.
The White House has refused to accept the
reality of global warming even when identified by the US Defense
Department as a significant future threat to national security.
In an October 2003 report commissioned by the influential defense
advisor Andrew Marshall, the effects of catastrophic global warming
on global population patterns and resource distribution are listed
as imminent threats to the US. The Bush administration suppressed
the report for four months. It was finally leaked in February 2004
to the UK newspaper The Observer. Nonetheless, the only US newspaper
to report this story was the Kansas Morning Star, three days after
its original appearance. The authors
of the report called for global warming to be considered a serious
threat deserving immediate attention and action.
At the time this article was written, the
Bush administration had not yet acknowledged the Pentagon-commissioned
report. Perhaps the White House staff was too preoccupied with their
then-current task: requesting exemptions to the Montreal Protocol
on the release of methyl bromide, the most powerful ozone-depleting
chemical still in widespread use.
Wanted: Scientific expertsno prior
experience necessary
Traditionally, the US federal government
has avoided overt bias by relying on the nominations of agency staff
who, in conjunction with independent outside advice, favor candidates
recognized for their scientific expertise and reputation as leaders
in their respective fields. The Bush administration, however, has
repeatedly selected candidates with questionable credentials for
advisory positions, used political litmus tests during
the interview process, and favored candidates put forward by industry
lobbyists over those recommended by its own federal agencies. Needless
to say, executives from these industries are often large campaign
contributors. Representative examples of the above include the rejection
of staff-selected nominees for an Advisory Committee on Childhood
Lead Poisoning Prevention by Tommy Thompson, then-secretary of Health
and Human Services. Five individuals, all distinguished by their
opposition to the tightening of the federal lead poisoning standard,
were selected instead. And then theres the appointment of
Dr. W. David Hager, an obstetrician-gynecologist and conservative
religious activist with scant credentials and highly partisan political
views, to the Food and Drug Adiministrations Reproductive
Health Advisory Committee. Dr. Hagers refusal to prescribe
contraceptives to unmarried women perhaps best elucidates his suitability
for a leading staff position on a committee that advises on such
issues as abortion, contraceptives, and hormone replacement therapy.
The environment: Now you see it, now you
dont
The status of small populations of species
suspected of being threatened with extinction is commonly assessed
using mathematical population modeling. The Bush administration
has actively fought in court to circumvent the use of this technique,
and has supported numerous pending amendments before Congress that
would make it harder to list threatened species. Since 2001, only
25 new speciesthe lowest number since the Endangered Species
Act was implemented in 1967have come to be listed under the
Act, every single one under court order. One of the relatively-publicized
examples of the Bush administration distorting or suppressing the
findings of its own environmental agencies to further its political
agenda is provided by the case of the management of the Missouri
River. There, ten years worth of accumulated scientific work was
discarded because, according to the recently-retired supervisor
of the project in 2004, our findings dont match up with
what they want to hear [and] they are putting a new team on the
job who will give them what they want.
Terrorists, scientists whats
the difference?
When Congress created the National Nuclear
Security Administrationthe agency responsible for maintaining
and designing the nations nuclear weaponryin 2000, an
independent advisory committee was also established to offer expert
opinion. This external technical committee was staffed by distinguished
academics with extensive knowledge of nuclear weapons, former government
officials, and retired senior military officers. During the first
Bush term, after a few of the NNSA advisory committee members published
articles stating that nuclear weapons designed to destroy deeply
buried targets so called bunker busters
were not only narrowly effective, but would inevitably produce large
quantities of radioactive fallout, the committee was abolished.
Coincidentally, the Bush Administrations 2001 Nuclear Posture
Review and FY2004 budgets call for development and targeted funding
of these same weapons.
Sexual abstinence: Who are we kidding?
Policies of sexual abstinence were implemented
in several African countries in the late 1980s, all with a remarkably
consistent and well-documented lack of success. The American Medical
Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Public
Health Association, and the American College of Obstetricians and
Gynecologists all support comprehensive sex education programs that
provide adolescents with information on how to protect themselves
against sexually transmitted diseases. During George W. Bushs
1995-2000 tenure as governor of Texas, the abstinence-only
state ranked last in the nation in the decline of teen birth rates
among 15- to 17-year-old-females. Indeed, there is little disagreement
among experts that, far from reducing unwanted pregnancies, abstinence-only
programs actually may increase pregnancies in partners of male participants.
Laying scientific findings aside, the Bush administration has consistenly
promoted abstinence programs as its preferred means of HIV prevention.
A like-minded Congress approved over $120 million for domestic abstinence
programs in its fiscal year 2003 budget, $50 million of which was
connected to the U.S. Welfare Reform Act and to programs that teach
that a mutually faithful monogamous relationship in the context
of marriage is the expected standard of human sexual activity.
Particular mention should also be made here of the Bush administrations
decision to reroute funding from the independent Global Fund
to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria to the new abstinence-focused
Presidents Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.
Upsetting the foundation
Science, like any other academic discipline,
rests on a foundation of trust. Our work is built on the pillars
erected by those before us, and we depend on their soundness. Falsification,
fabrication, and disregardeven when imposed by external forcesare
the loose bricks that can collapse years, or even lifetimes, of
effort and resources. Unfettered information is the lifeblood of
intellectual freedom, critical thinking, and political, social,
and yesspiritual progress. By suppressing or distorting
the information underlying the proper functioning of our society,
the current US federal government is failing in
its obligation towards the scientific community and the larger public
who rely on well-grounded public policy decision-making, free from
the damaging distortions of political persuasion.
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